Western Sahara’s Sahrawi Refugees Face an Uncertain Future after 50 Years of Exile
In this article:
• The conflict in Western Sahara has colonial roots and is complicated by uneven diplomatic recognition;
• Sahrawi leaders have supported transnational education;
• The decades-long displacement has gradually transformed social dynamics;
• Refugee youths face conflicting pressures on their future.
The decades-long Sahrawi displacement stands out as one of the world’s most enduring, protracted, and overlooked refugee situations. Displaced by the 1975 failed decolonization process of Western Sahara by Spain and the subsequent invasion by Morocco and Mauritania, ethnic Sahrawis have established five refugee camps and an administrative center in Tindouf Province, Algeria, as the social, political, and administrative center of their government in exile. From these camps in Algeria’s southwestern corner, approximately 174,000 Sahrawi refugees are engaged in a nation-building process aimed at creating an egalitarian society that transcends traditional tribal and gender hierarchies. Unlike most other refugee settings, these camps are fully managed by the Polisario Front, an independence movement and the government in exile that is estimated to control about one-quarter of the disputed territory of Western Sahara (Morocco, which calls the territory its Southern Provinces, controls the rest). As many as 84 countries at one point recognized Polisario’s proclaimed Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in the territory of Western Sahara, although international recognition has fluctuated over time in response to broader geopolitical trends, and dozens of countries say they no longer recognize the Sahrawi Republic. Although international organizations do not administer the camps, inhabitants are entirely dependent on humanitarian aid.
Algeria distinguishes itself from other refugee host countries by granting significant autonomy to Sahrawis. By entrusting administration of the territory housing the refugee camps to the Polisario Front, the Algerian government enables the Sahrawis to manage their own affairs. It has also supported an independent Western Sahara. Furthermore, while Sahrawis are not necessarily able to become citizens of Algeria, they can obtain Algerian passports through a process managed by the Polisario. These passports include a specific code indicating that the holder is Sahrawi and does not hold Algerian nationality. The documents allow Sahrawis to travel abroad under the same conditions as Algerian citizens. Algeria’s support for Sahrawi self-determination, and by extension for the Polisario Front, has been a persistent source of tension with neighboring Morocco, with which it has long had difficult relations despite the two countries’ shared religious, linguistic, and cultural ties, as well as similar histories as former French colonies.
Since the Sahrawi Republic’s establishment in 1976, Polisario has supported educational mobility programs allowing children and young adults to study abroad, as part of the nation-building process. The programs were designed to build skills and international connections that could benefit the independence movement. In the past, most young Sahrawis would return to the camps after their studies. But in recent years, more have chosen to remain abroad as opportunities in the isolated camps—which can experience punishing heat and low rainfall—have dwindled. At the same time, conditions in the camps can be difficult, with high rates of food insecurity in recent years. This growing focus on remaining abroad reflects changing aspirations of young Sahrawi refugees, raising questions about how they balance individual desires and collective duties. For many, emigration to countries such as Spain does not necessarily mean abandoning the struggle for independence but can represent a reconfiguration driven by the Sahrawis’ decades of temporality in the camps. Although exact numbers are difficult to determine, several thousand Sahrawis currently reside in Spain alone. Furthermore, growing Sahrawi communities have established themselves in other European countries, including France and Italy, alongside a longstanding community in Mauritania.
This article provides an overview of Sahrawi displacement from Western Sahara, which is sometimes referred to as Africa’s last colony, and explores youth’s transnational mobility trajectories. It examines how displacement and education have shaped migration and diaspora trends. It also considers the future for Sahrawi refugees and what these trends might mean for the group’s nationalist struggle.
Historic Sahrawi Displacement
The conflict in Western Sahara is rooted in colonial legacies and the Sahrawi fight for self-determination. Then known as Spanish Sahara, Western Sahara was under Spanish control from 1884 to 1976. Pressured by the independence movement and international demands for decolonization, Spain initially planned a UN-supervised referendum on the territory`s future but abruptly relinquished control through the Madrid Agreement of 1975, dividing the colony between Morocco and Mauritania and ignoring Sahrawi calls for independence. In response, Polisario proclaimed the Sahrawi Republic and fought a guerrilla war against both countries. The invasion and subsequent war triggered mass displacement as Sahrawis fled, with approximately 40,000 people seeking refuge in Algeria.
Mauritania withdrew from the territory in 1979, but Morocco continued to fortify its claim by constructing defensive walls, or berms, stretching more than 2,700 kilometers (approximately 1,700 miles) from north to south and dividing the territory in two. A 1991 UN-brokered ceasefire promised a referendum on self-determination, but the vote never occurred, leaving Sahrawis in political limbo. The ceasefire collapsed in 2020, although recent violence has been relatively isolated and small in scale.
Sahrawi Camps and Political Status
Despite ongoing tensions, the refugee camps in Algeria have developed into well-structured places that function collectively as a state in exile, complete with schools, hospitals, and administrative systems run by the Sahrawi government. Largely set up by women while men were off fighting, these camps also have symbolic meaning for the group and the struggle for independence. Still, most people rely on humanitarian assistance.
Internationally, the political status of the territory is similarly in limbo. Its peak recognition by other countries, primarily in Africa and Latin America (and by the African Union), occurred in the 1970s and 1980s (see Figure 2). In recent decades, though, multiple countries that once recognized its independence have reversed their recognition. The United States unilaterally recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over the territory in 2020—according to many watchers, acting in violation of international law—and multiple other countries followed in subsequent years, including France, Israel, and Spain.
Today, 47 countries recognize the Sahrawi Republic (see Figure 2). The United Nations considers Western Sahara to be the world’s largest and most populous non-self-governing territory.
International efforts to resolve the conflict have stalled, leaving the path to independence uncertain. Amid this limbo, advocacy organizations and researchers have documented human-rights abuses against Sahrawis in the Western Sahara territory controlled by Morocco, including torture and long-term detention of critics of the Moroccan government.
A significant diplomatic moment came in October, when the European Court of Justice nullified a fisheries agreement between the European Union and Morocco because it included Western Sahara’s waters without Sahrawi consent. This legal victory reaffirmed Sahrawis’ rights over the resources. However, it also underscores the gap between legal recognition and political action, as substantial pressure on Morocco to support the referendum and otherwise comply with UN resolutions remains absent.
Sahrawi Youth amid Transnational Trajectories
The protracted uncertainty over the territory’s fate has opened space for alternative transnational trajectories, especially for youth who pursue education and opportunities abroad, advancing their personal development while also maintaining a connection to the independence push. From the outset, universal education was a priority for the Sahrawi Republic—schools were among the first structures built in the refugee camps—and the Sahrawi population now boasts nearly universal literacy in the camps. However, local education facilities were not able to accommodate all students, leading to the development of a transnational education model.
Unlike other refugee contexts where access to high-quality education is a major challenge, the Polisario Front facilitates mobility as part of a long-term strategy. Through educational programs which are largely financially supported by host communities, young Sahrawis also actively participate in transnational networks, reinforcing connections to the broader independence movement while avoiding the mobility restrictions often faced by refugees. These programs have also served to remove young people from the conflict environment during crucial years of their development.
One of the most prominent of these programs is Vacaciones en Paz (Holidays in Peace), which was established in 1976. Initially designed to help Sahrawi children escape the desert heat by spending summers in Algiers, the program expanded over the years to send children to various European countries (including Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, and Switzerland) and the United States. Spain, the former colonial power, remains the primary destination, hosting thousands of children every summer.
Managed by the Sahrawi Ministry of Youth and Sports in collaboration with local solidarity associations, Vacaciones en Paz is regarded as a universal right for Sahrawi children ages 8 to 12, with the expectation that every child will participate at least three times. In Spain, children are hosted by families, creating lasting ties that often lead to further transnational movements after the program ends. Their presence also raises international awareness of the Sahrawi cause, blending humanitarian aid with political advocacy.
Bilateral agreements with countries including Algeria, Cuba, Libya, and Syria (the latter two have been suspended since 2011) have also enabled Sahrawi youth to pursue secondary and higher education abroad. Since 1976, children ages 11 and older have regularly left the camps for extended periods to study abroad, often returning after graduation to contribute to the liberation campaign.
Algeria hosts the largest number of Sahrawi students (data are not publicly available, but there are likely several thousand university students and many more at other levels), while Cuba plays a key role training professionals, particularly in health care. These countries’ support for the Sahrawi cause is not only diplomatic but also deeply rooted in educational and humanitarian cooperation.
Spain, however, remains a focal point of Sahrawi educational mobility through solidarity-based projects such as Proyecto Madrasa, which allows Sahrawi youths ages 13 and above to live and study with Spanish host families while maintaining regular contact with their families in the camps. The bonds created between Sahrawi children and their hosts during this program and Vacaciones en Paz create lasting relationships that intertwine political solidarity, deep emotional ties, and humanitarian aid. These ties often lead Spanish hosts to provide ongoing support for Sahrawi families, including financial aid, visits to the refugee camps, and in some cases allowing children to stay on a more permanent basis.
From Temporary Educational Mobility to Long-Term Migration for Youth in the Diaspora
For decades, the Sahrawi transnational education model has played a central role in shaping highly skilled and politically engaged individuals. However, the decades-long displacement has gradually transformed social dynamics within the camps and diaspora, as well as individual aspirations and the broader national project. As young Sahrawis receive education abroad, they develop new perspectives and aspirations that can reshape their relationship with nation-building, which may diminish their intentions to return. This shift is exacerbated by the lack of job opportunities in the camps.
While earlier generations tended to return, integrate into SADR structures, and fight for liberation, today’s youth—born after the initial 1991 ceasefire—see changing political realities and may be more inclined to support the cause from afar. This shift in circumstances does not necessarily diminish young people’s willingness to participate in the nation-building process, but changes how they do so.
During the earlier heat of war, men tended to be mobilized for combat while women took on responsibility for constructing the camps; children’s education abroad became a priority for their safety and to invest in the future. The early 1990s brought major changes, as the return both of men from the war and the first cohorts of international students shifted camps dynamics. At the same time, more money started circulating among the refugee community, as Sahrawis who were colonial employees accessed retirement pensions and remittances from migrant workers increased. Although money spread unevenly and many people without international connections were left out, its presence helped drive cross-border trade and shaped a nascent market economy in the region.
As time passed and the promised referendum never materialized after the UN-brokered ceasefire in 1991, experiences abroad fostered a growing awareness of the challenges Sahrawis face back home. Young Sahrawis grappled with balancing personal aspirations and the collective struggle for independence. The prolonged state of limbo—which anthropologist Vivian Solana Moreno describes as the "ambivalent temporality of the meanwhile”—deeply shaped many refugees’ views on education and migration. For earlier generations, studying abroad often guaranteed professional roles in the camps upon return. However, these roles tend now to be filled (often by students’ parents), so younger generations face limited professional opportunities.
Generational differences also reflect broader social shifts, especially concerning gender. Older women, who played a pivotal role in organizing and managing the camps, tended to be more integrated into professional life. Today, younger women often face greater economic precarity and more challenges transitioning from education to employment. Since the 1990s, the camps have increasingly shifted toward a market economy, which has heightened financial pressures and changed how young people view their futures after graduation. Many young men, facing the high costs of marriage and family responsibilities, drop out of school to work, both in the camps and elsewhere in Algeria. In contrast, even though young women are not expected to be primary breadwinners, they often continue their studies even after marriage, which is less common among men.
The relationship between education and migration varies depending on where Sahrawi youth study, which can be shaped by a range of factors including academic performance. Those who go elsewhere in Algeria tend to remain closely connected to the camps, frequently returning during school breaks. This reinforces the expectation that they will return after completing their education. In contrast, those studying in Spain often remain there by transitioning to an economic-based legal immigrant status, especially if they arrived as children through programs such as Vacaciones en Paz. Their integration into Spanish society and the limited opportunities in the camps may delay or prevent permanent return.
The availability of legal pathways for remaining in host countries also affects migration trends. Although the refugee camps are in Algeria, Sahrawi require a permit from Polisario to travel elsewhere in the country, and students must secure a residence permit from the Algerian government similar to other international students. In Algeria and Cuba, students are granted only temporary residence permits for the duration of their studies, making it difficult to stay after graduation. However, students in Spain can more easily transition to legal status, which may increase the odds that they remain. Still, the situation is complex: although Sahrawis typically have refugee status granted by the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), Spain does not recognize this status; moreover, securing Spanish nationality has become increasingly difficult. Recently, many Sahrawis in Spain have applied for legal status on the basis of being stateless to obtain the right to reside and work in the country, travel, and eventually apply for citizenship. In some recent years, virtually all protection applications for statelessness in Spain have come from Sahrawis.
Returning to Where?
Sahrawi refugee youths who travel often face a tension between returning to the refugee camps, imagining an independent Western Sahara, and desiring a satisfying life abroad. For many Sahrawis, Western Sahara remains the symbolic homeland, a powerful image deeply embedded in their collective identity and historical consciousness. However, the possibility of independence seems distant, with no foreseeable political resolution.
The question of returning to the camps is increasingly complex for many young Sahrawis abroad, particularly those who have spent extended periods outside the camps. International educational programs have shaped a generation of highly skilled individuals, yet many graduates develop different life habits, perspectives, and expectations while abroad. Once expected to return and contribute to the Sahrawi cause, these students now find themselves at a crossroads. While their sense of duty to the homeland often persists, their personal and professional aspirations may pull them elsewhere. In Spain, recent decades have seen a rise in Sahrawi civic associations advocating for self-determination and addressing issues related to the Sahrawi community, illustrating the growing role of the diaspora.
Evolving migration patterns have also restructured expectations, social norms, and social dynamics. In the 1990s, permanent return to the camps was the norm, and emigration was socially discouraged. Since the 1991 ceasefire, as more money has arrived from members of the diaspora and emigration has become more common, many Sahrawis have come to see leaving as desirable to secure better living conditions for their families. Migrants often send money as remittances to support their families, which both provides material support and reinforces their ties to the camps while abroad. However, emigration has also deepened social and economic inequalities within the camps, as those with relatives abroad enjoy better living standards. For some, emigration is only temporary; for others, especially those who left as students and have built new lives abroad, the idea of permanent return seems less realistic.
The future presents uncertainty. As young Sahrawis navigate these dynamics, their prospects and aspirations take on new dimensions. While the refugee camps continue to function as the center of Sahrawi national identity and political organization, they also represent a space of limited opportunity. The dream of an independent Western Sahara remains central to Sahrawi collective aspirations, but the reality for many is shaped by the need to adapt to life outside the camps. For the younger generation, the question of return is not just about where to go, but also when, and under what conditions. In the meantime, the diaspora continues to expand, maintaining its ties to the camps while navigating the complexities of life abroad.
Changing Visions for the Future
The experience of being a Sahrawi refugee has been profoundly transformed over the past five decades as displacement has stretched on. While the dream of returning to an independent Western Sahara remains at the heart of the collective identity, the practical realities of life in exile, particularly for younger generations, reveal a more complex set of questions. The refugee camps, once considered temporary havens, have evolved into spaces that offer both belonging and limitations, where the possibilities of return and future aspirations are continuously negotiated.
International education, initially encouraged to equip a generation to serve the Sahrawi cause, has opened pathways to new opportunities abroad. In a sense, programs such Vacaciones en Paz may have worked too well, and prepared Sahrawi youth for a future that no longer involves returning to the camps permanently. As migration patterns shift, the diaspora continues to expand, contributing economically and politically to the camps but also intensifying social inequalities. For many, the concept of return has become less straightforward.
Ultimately, Sahrawi refugees are forging new paths, sustaining their enduring hope for independence while grappling with the realities of 50 years in exile. Many young Sahrawis find themselves staying abroad—or seeking to do so—rather than returning to refugee camps that seem to offer fewer opportunities, less financial stability, and a dimmer future. They also reckon with the persistent impossibility of a more profound return, to an independent Western Sahara. After 50 years of displacement, how much longer can the limbo last?
Original article
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Image on frontpage: Sahrawi children in the Smara Refugee Camp in Algeria. Source: Rita Reis. Images on this page: Top: Map of Western Sahara and neighboring countries of Sahrawi refuge/exile; Bottom: Map of states’ recognition of sovereignty over Western Sahara, 2024
